Table of Contents
Winter 2005
Quick Links:
Articles in this issue
From the Editor:
Our New Religious Politics
Religion Gap
Swings New Ways
A Certain Presidency
Schiavo Interminable
Iraq's Sunni Clergy Enter the Fray
Windsor Knot
Protestants in Decline
The Televangelical Scandal That Wasn't
Channeling Bleep
Cut-Rate Religion Coverage
Contributors
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A Certain
Presidency
by
Andrew M. Manis
Religion was the October surprise of the 2004 election. In the month before
“moral values” emerged as the number one issue in the exit polls, major
newspapers began analyzing, and TV personalities began talking their heads
off about, religion and the campaign. And the religion that was most on the
media’s minds was the president’s.
On
the October 15 edition of MSNBC’s “Scarborough Country,” for example, pundit
Lawrence O’Donnell dismissed President Bush’s faith as simpleminded. “You
got a problem with a president praying to God for wisdom?” guest host Pat
Buchanan asked him three nights later. On October 25, Larry King’s panel of
experts devoted half an hour to “God and the Presidency.”
In
my personal neck of the woods, the October 18 Macon Telegraph
published a letter lauding the president as a born-again Christian “who
consults his Lord…before making decisions,” while another citizen told a
reporter, “George Bush did what God wanted him to do. Who cares what the
rest of the world thinks?”
Meanwhile, the rest of the world took note, and the Washington Post
took note of the rest of the world taking note. In Mexico, the Post
reported October 26, El Diario trembled at an American president “who
seems to claim divine inspiration.” A Toronto Sun columnist expressed
the opinion that Bush was too influenced by ignorant rural Southerners who
“reject evolution and think French is the native language of Satan.”
Not
that interest in George W. Bush and religion was something new under the
sun. On the eve of the election, Google searches of “Bush + religion”
garnered 3.5 million hits. (“Bush + faith” got 2.7 million; “Bush +
Catholics,” 1.3 million; and “Bush + Evangelicals,” 71,600.)
In
a rather more restricted sample of some 50 major pieces devoted to the
subject, I found two spikes of attention: just before the beginning of the
Iraq war in March 2003 (seven) and in the weeks following the Republican
National Convention (20). Both were periods when the president had frequent
recourse to religious and quasi-religious rhetoric—a fact registered by many
of the stories.
Notwithstanding conventional conservative convictions that the mainstream
media are afflicted with liberal and secular bias, I found treatment of the
president’s religion respectfully evenhanded. Most stories were heavy on the
biographical, emphasizing both the apparent sincerity of Bush’s conversion
and his developing friendships with evangelical preachers in Texas.
Among the more noteworthy efforts was the package featured in the March 10,
2003 issue of Newsweek that had “Bush and God” on the cover.
Political reporter Howard Fineman’s lead article traced the president’s
faith development, while longtime religion writer Kenneth Woodward surveyed
the history of America’s civil religion. Both pieces concluded with
cautionary notes about a “messianic mission” (Fineman) and “the presumption
that God is on our side” (Woodward).
Liberal commentary was, not surprisingly, more biting. Assailing
Bush’s “messianic militarism” in the February 2003 issue of The
Progressive, editor Matthew Rothschild quoted former Bush speechwriter
David Frum’s comment, “War has made him a crusader after all.” Writing in
the April 12, 2004 Los Angeles Times, Susan Jacoby, author of
Freethinkers: A History of American Secularism, argued that Bush’s use
of the “bully pulpit” had aggressively “favor[ed] the most conservative
religious elements.” Shrillest of all was Bob Fitrakis’ September 1, 2004,
[Columbus, Ohio] Free Press article comparing Bush’s God-talk to
Hitler’s.
Conservative journalists, of course, hastened to defend the president.
“Bush’s Gospel,” Terry Eastland’s analysis in the March 1, 2004 issue of the
Weekly Standard, made out a persuasive case that, beginning with his
use of the Good Samaritan story in his 2001 inaugural address, Bush had put
in place no less than a “love-thy-neighbor presidency.” The best evidence
for this came, domestically, from his faith-based initiatives and, in
foreign policy, from his belief in the “transformational power of liberty”
in the Middle East.
Last September, the conservative online news service Newsmax.com ran
a piece by Paul Kengor showing that in his public utterances Bush actually
referred to the Bible, religion, and Jesus less often than his predecessor
Bill Clinton. Accusing journalists of maintaining a double standard for
Republicans and Democrats, Kengor pointed out that when Rep. Dick Gephardt
said he thought “Jesus was a Democrat,” New York Times columnist
Maureen Dowd had not accused him of “playing the Jesus card.”
Touché, one would think. Yet what of the suggestion of Beliefnet.org’s
Steven Waldman and the Dallas Morning News’ Wayne Slater that
Republicans merited greater scrutiny because of their theocratic impulses?
Speaking on “The Jesus Factor,” a very evenhanded exploration by PBS’s
“Frontline” that aired April 29, 2004, Waldman reasoned that “when people
who don’t like Bush listen to his religious rhetoric, they’re not just
hearing the words, they’re seeing a whole landscape of other conservative
evangelicals—of Jerry Falwell, Pat Robertson, Bible thumpers, discrimination
against gays, a whole set of issues…but which comprise the world of the
religious right….So people view Bush’s religiosity not just as a spiritual
matter, but as a political matter.”
At
his father’s funeral in June, Ron Reagan raised eyebrows by suggesting that
unlike “some politicians,” Reagan had not used religion for political gain.
This dubious claim, forgivable in a son eulogizing his father, seemed a
not-so-veiled criticism of the president. The new trope was picked up the
following month at the Democratic National Convention when John Kerry
allowed as how he, like President Reagan, did not “wear his religion on his
sleeve,” but that his faith was real nonetheless.
On
the other side, New York Gov. George Pataki and former New York City mayor
Rudy Giuliani, speaking at the Republican National Convention in August,
both gave credit to God for putting George W. Bush in the White House. Along
the same lines, the Convention premiered a television documentary by
conservative Grizzly Adams Productions of Denver entitled, “George W. Bush:
Faith in the White House.”
Yet
even as the frequency of such news items picked up, most journalistic
accounts of the president’s religion remained biographical and explanatory.
There seemed little doubt that Bush had actually undergone a conversion from
profligate Episcopalian frat boy to disciplined Methodist teetotaler with an
evangelical “charge to keep” in the public square.
In
the mid-1980s, when alcohol nearly cost him his marriage, Bush was born
again through the ministries of evangelists Arthur Blessitt and Billy
Graham. In classic style, he forsook “demon rum” and joined the Community
Bible Study of Midland, Texas. Developing habits of “daily quiet time,” he
proceeded to read through the Bible every other year.
Evangelicals love nothing more than a prominent convert, especially one
disciplined in Bible study and prayer. But Bush also made enough
connnections to prove useful to his father’s 1988 presidential campaign as
liaison to the religious right.
His
ability to walk the evangelical walk impressed Assemblies of God minister
Doug Wead, who befriended Bush and coached him on how to connect with
evangelicals more effectively. “Signal early and signal often,” was Wead’s
advice. A famous early—and possibly even unplanned—signal was his now famous
naming of Christ as his favorite philosopher (“because he changed my heart”)
during the 2000 presidential campaign.
Typical of evangelical preachers, Bush’s 2001 inaugural address expounded
three alliterated points of courage, compassion, and character. He also
transformed the stock benediction of presidential speeches to “May God
continue to bless America,” underscoring the central civil religious
belief that God has blessed America in a special way.
On
the first anniversary of the September 11 attacks, Bush spoke at Ellis
Island of a God-given freedom that America was called to defend. “Our
generation has now heard history’s call,” declared the president, “and we
will answer it.” He continued, “The hope of all mankind still lights our
way,” and, borrowing from the Gospel of John, added, “And the light shines
in the darkness. And the darkness will not overcome it.” A nice rhetorical
flourish for the uninitiated, but for the Bible-reading public it was
another signal that this was a president who spoke their language.
Similarly, Bush’s 2003 State of the Union address rallied “the compassion of
America” to tackle poverty, homelessness, and addiction on the premise that
“there is power—wonder-working power—in the goodness and idealism and faith
of the American people.” In a popular evangelical hymn, “wonder-working
power” refers to “power in the blood” of Jesus to forgive sin. While this
went right by uninitiated secular Americans, his religious base took note.
There is no question that the signals got through. Southern Baptist
Convention official Richard Land told “Frontline” that everywhere he went
his fellow Baptists would implore him to relay their support and prayers to
the president. “I’ve never seen an outpouring quite like it,” Land said.
In
informing his evangelical base that he was one of them, Bush’s rhetoric sent
the theological message that American ideals and action are one with the
power of Christ and his work in the world. Speaking at Washington’s National
Cathedral three days after the 9/11 attacks, Bush asserted that America’s
“responsibility to history is already clear: to answer these attacks and rid
the world of evil.”
Six
days later he told Congress that all nations had a decision to make: “Either
you are with us, or you are with the terrorists.” Any nation harboring or
supporting terrorism would be regarded an enemy of the United States.
America’s enemies were the enemies of freedom, whose advance “now depends on
us.” There was no question in the president’s mind that God was on our side.
“Freedom and fear, justice and cruelty, have always been at war,” he said,
“and we know that God is not neutral between them.”
Bush seemed to be convinced that he, no less than America, was God’s special
instrument. Before 9/11 he told prominent evangelical leaders like Land and
the evangelist James Robison that he believed God wanted him to run for
president. In the June 26, 2003 issue of the Israeli newspaper Haaretz,
Arnon Regular reported that Bush had informed the Palestinian prime
minister, Mahmoud Abbas, “God told me to strike at al Qaida and I struck
them, and then he instructed me to strike at Saddam, which I did.”
In
a stunning article in the October 17, 2004 New York Times Magazine,
free-lance writer Ron Suskind took aim at this faith-based certainty of
God’s will. Suskind, who had written former Treasury secretary Paul
O’Neill’s story in The Price of Loyalty, highlighted the assessment
of Bruce Bartlett, a former official in both the Reagan and first Bush
administrations, that the president was possessed of “this instinct he’s
always talking about…this sort of weird, Messianic idea of what he thinks
God has told him to do.” Bush was so “clear-eyed” about al-Qaeda, Barlett
said, “because he’s just like them.”
Suskind did tend to exaggerate the significance of evangelicals’ conviction
that Bush was a “messenger from God.” One visit to the Southern Baptist
Convention’s annual Pastors’ Conference would have shown Suskind that every
preacher on the program is introduced as “God’s man” or “a prophet of God.”
It is wise not to take these compliments too literally.
But
he did well to focus on the president’s certitude and growing intolerance of
dissent, using as his prime witness for the prosecution Jim Wallis, the
longtime voice of progressive evangelicalism. A prophetic civil religion,
emerging from a humble penitence, could move Americans toward “something
higher than ourselves,” Wallis said. By contrast, “when it is designed to
certify our righteousness, that can be a dangerous thing.”
The
effect of Bush’s religion, as conveyed in the news media, was to deepen the
polarization of the country, and to persuade the rest of the world that
America was indeed embarked on a species of religious crusade. Disagreement
or dissent—domestic, foreign, or from within the administration itself—was
not to be brooked, for if the Bush agenda was divinely mandated, opposition
was not merely secular, it was against God’s will. National self-criticism
seemed out of the question.
In
an op-ed piece in the October 8, 2004 Charleston [W.V.] Gazette,
retired Methodist bishop William Boyd Grove wrote, “President Bush has been
unwilling to listen to the counsel of religious leaders unless he knows in
advance that they agree with him.” Bush “has allowed his religious belief…to
make him absolutely certain that he is right, and unwilling to listen to
other voices. He is slow to admit a mistake on any issue of substance,
because he believes his decisions are just and righteous.”
What that portends for a second Bush term is anyone’s guess.
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